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Weston, Sidney Eugene


Age: 18, credited to Chester, VT
Unit(s): 7th VT INF
Service: enl and m/i, Pvt, Co. C, 7th VT INF, 8/27/64, m/o 7/14/65 [College: UVM 71]

See Legend for expansion of abbreviations


Birth: 08/14/1847, Chester, VT
Death: 1922

Burial: Evergreen Cemetery, New Haven, VT
Marker/Plot: Not recorded
Gravestone researcher/photographer: Alan Lathrop

Findagrave Memorial #: 0
(There may be a Findagrave Memorial, but we have not recorded it)


Alias?: None noted
Pension?: Unknown
Portrait?: Unknown
College?: UVM 71
Veterans Home?: Not Found
(If there are state digraphs above, this soldier spent some time in a state or national soldiers' home in that state after the war)

Remarks: None


3rd Great Grandfather of Michael L. Piper, Lowell, MA

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Evergreen Cemetery, New Haven, VT

Check the cemetery for location/directions and other veterans who may be buried there.


Letter from near Blakely, Alabama, 10 April 1865.

Letter from near Spanish Point, Alabama, 1 April 1865.

Contributed by Michael Piper, 3rd Great-Grandson of Eugene Weston.


Weston, Eugene Sydney, of Newfane, son of Freeman F. and Sarah J. (Evans) Weston, was born in Cavendish, August 14, 1847.

His early education was obtained in the district schools and Chester Academy. Having decided upon the medical profession he entered the office of Dr. Z. G. Harrington of Chester as a student and attended lectures in the medical departments of Dartmouth College and the University of Vermont, receiving his diploma from the latter in 1871.

After graduation he first located in Heath, Mass., but soon removed to Coleraine, where he had a large practice for three years. In 1874 he moved to Pittsfield, Mass., and remained there two years being town physician and also physician at the house of correction. In 1879 he located in Newfane where he has since resided. He has been a member of both the Massachusetts and Vermont Medical Societies.

He is a prominent Free Mason and for nearly a quarter of a century he has been an active worker and has taken a deep interest in the welfare and prosperity of the order. He has served three terms as W. M. of Blazing Star Lodge, No. 23, of Townshend; has been high priest of Fort Dummer Royal Arch Chapter in Brattleboro; is grand lecturer in the Grand Lodge and grand scribe in the Grand Chapter of Vermont. For two years he was district deputy grand master of the 8th Masonic District, and has held appointments on some of the standing committees in Grand Lodge and Chapter for several years.

Republican in politics he was elected in 1892 to represent Newfane in the General Assembly.

Dr. Weston enlisted during the civil war, at the age of seventeen, as private in Co. C, 7th Vt. Vols., and served till the close of the struggle, when he received an honorable discharge. His only battle was at the siege of Spanish Fort near Mobile, Alabama. He has always taken an active part in matters pertaining to the GAR, and is a member of Birchard Post, No. 65, of which he is a past commander.

Dr. Weston was married, June 6, 1871, to Eva S., daughter of Richard H. and Mary E. (Crowley) Hall of Athens, and has four children: Lena M., Alfred F., Bertha E., and Grace F.

Source: Jacob G. Ullery, compiler, Men of Vermont: An Illustrated Biographical History of Vermonters and Sons of Vermont, (Transcript Publishing Company, Brattleboro, VT, 1894), Part II, pp. 425.


Sidney Eugene Weston, or, as he preferred to be called, Eugene Sidney Weston, was not born with a silver spoon in his mouth, but, before his life was through, he could afford to buy as many as he wanted for his grandchildren. His life story is the epitome of the American Dream. He started out the oldest son of a common laborer; got an education and became a well respected and successful professional doctor trained at the University of Vermont and Dartmouth; married and had a lovely family; became well known and well thought of by his peers for his dedicated public service work; and died an admired and revered citizen by his friends and neighbors. Even his military career was picture perfect. He went off to war at seventeen, served honorably in the ranks of a Vermont Regiment where he was engaged in one battle from which he escaped without a scratch, although not without a close call, and being discharged after serving only ten months of a one year term of service at least half of it basking in the sunshine of Texas while he patrolled the banks of the Rio Grande watching out for Maximillan's forces along the border between Mexico and the United States. He was, indeed, a lucky man.

Eugene was the first born and the oldest son of Freeman F. Weston (1822-1897) and Sasrah Jane Evans (1828-1875).[1] Freeman was a native of Sandy Hill, New York.[2] Sarah Jane was born in Springfield, Vermont.[3] That is where she and Freeman were married on May 17, 1846.[4] The majority of their married years were spent in and around the Chester, Vermont area. Sarah bore her husband seven children before she died of tuberculosis in 1875. She was only forty-seven at the time of her death when she passed away of "scrofula of the bowels" in Chester, Vermont.[5] Sarah would apparently pass the disease on to at least one of her children - Mary Adeline who also died of tuberculosis in her early forties.[6] Most sources of information on Freeman and Sarah reported that the couple had four children: Eugene Sydney, 1847-1922; Flora Elizabeth, 1847-1935; Edgar (Eddie) William, 1862-1914; and Mary Adeline, (1867-1909.[7] Deeper investigation discovered three additional siblings had been born after Eugene: William Evans, 1852-1852; Addison, 1857-1860; and Frank E., 1863-1864.[8] How many of the seven offspring inherited their mother's genes for tuberculosis was not ascertained. All of them were raised in the southern Vermont area of Chester. Freeman worked hard as a farm laborer to support his family. Education was important to the Westons and they made it a priority for all of their children. Each one attended school regularly. Even though Freeman never was anything but a hired man on someone else's farm, he managed to build up an estate valued at $2,300 in 1860. $1,900 of that amount was in real estate. Besides a house for his family to live in, Freeman must have invested in additional land. To build up a nest egg of $2,000 while supporting a growing family on a day laborer's wages indicated a shrewd and keen sense of financial responsibility. Additional evidence that Freeman possessed a sharp business sense for a common laborer lay in the fact that at his death in Andover, Vermont in 1897, the inventory of his estate listed assets of: three bank accounts having a total balance of $1873 in cash in them; eight different notes to individuals due the estate amounting to another $1982. Just in cash assets, Freeman's estate had a value of $3855 not including any real and personal property owned.[10] A very respectable amount for a man who did manual labor all of his life.

On the eve of the American Civil War in 1860, Eugene was only thirteen years old and still a student attending the local common school in Chester. He was far short of the minimum age of eighteen required to join the Union Army when Fort Sumter was fired on April 12, 1861. It must have been very difficult for him to watch as his older peers enlisted and donned their handsome blue uniforms in preparation to go whip the damn Rebs back into line. If the birth date of August 14, 1847 was correct, then the earliest date Eugene would have been eligible to enlist would have been August 14, 1865. The date of enlistment given on Eugene's military records showed he joined the army on August 27, 1864. He was really only seventeen. Yet, his father, Freeman, signed the consent form allowing Eugene to enlist and declaring his son to be legally old enough to serve.[11] The conclusion - either both the father and the son were lying about the boy's age or Eugene's date of birth was actually August 14, 1846. During the Civil War, there was nothing unusual about a young man under the age of eighteen lying about how old he was in order to enlist. There were even cases where a man too old (over 45) claimed he was younger in order to get a blue uniform. And it was not unheard of for recruiters, who were paid a per man stipend of $2-3 for every recruit they signed up, to look the other way when a baby-faced youngster presented himself as an eligible volunteer. It would have been very interesting to be a fly on the wall and have overheard the conversation between father and son just prior to August 27, 1864, the day that Eugene Sidney Weston traded his civilian clothes for a blue wool military uniform.[12]

The self-proclaimed farmer from Chester, Vermont stood five feet eight inches tall and had a dark complexion that went well with his dark eyes and brown hair. The recruit must have looked the eighteen years of age he and his father claimed him to be or else the recruiter was blinded by dollar signs in his eyes. In August of 1864 it was obvious to just about everyone that the Confederacy was in its last death throes and that the War of the Rebellion was about to come to a close soon. When Private Weston joined Company G of the Seventh Vermont, the term of service was set at one year.[13] Eugene wasn't officially mustered-in until September 6, 1864 at Windsor, Vermont. At that time, he received $33.33 of his $100 bounty money.[14] The other two thirds of it would be paid at his discharge, which was the normal practice of the Government. Partial payment of the bounty offered at the time of enlistment was the ordinary practice for every soldier enrolled into the army during the Civil War. It was just enough cash incentive to win the trust of the volunteer that the rest of the money would be paid at the end of the soldier's term of service. And the common practice saved the Government thousands upon thousands of dollars in pay outs. The soldier could only collect the owed amount if he was still alive and on active duty at the end of his military hitch. If he died, deserted or was dishonorably discharged, the Government did not have to pay the uncollected balance due. The amount of potential savings for the Federal Government was quite substantial considering that just Federal bounties alone for volunteers ranged from a low of $100 per man to as high as $400 - about equal to a year's average earnings for a rural citizen. From the Draft Act of 1863 to the end of the war in 1865, there was a total of almost $300,000,000 paid out by the Federal Government in bonuses and allowances. Between April 14, 1861 and April 15, 1865 there were more than 2,656,553 men in the armed forces of the United States. The state's added additional monetary inducements to enlist as well - some state bounties reportedly reaching an amazing $1,500 per man - so that their quotas for recruits could be met when the War Department called for more bodies to fill depleted ranks. Mid-war (1863) the Government did pass a draft or conscription act whereby Washington had the authority to force a man into military service, but this drastic measure was so foreign and onerous to the nation's sense of honor and duty and patriotism that it was utilized only when there was no other way to get men to voluntarily serve.[14]

Private Weston's muster-in date of September 6, 1864 occurred while veterans of the Seventh who had re-enlisted in August were home on a thirty day furlough. They left the State for the Department of the Gulf on September 30. The returning veterans sailed from New York for New Orleans on October 4, arriving in Louisiana October 13.[15] Private Weston, in the meantime, was sent from the recruit depot in New Haven, Connecticut to join the ranks of the Seventh Vermont in Louisiana where he was present in Company G on October 16, 1864.[16] The Regiment with Private Weston were on duty in New Orleans until February 19 when they moved to Mobile Point, Alabama to participate in the March 17 to April 12, 1864 Mobile campaign.[17] Private Weston was present for duty all during this time. In fact, sometime in the late fall of 1864 or early winter of 1865, he lost some equipment that he had been issued: some ordinance ($.23) and C.C.&G.E. ($.55).[18] What these items actually were was never discovered, but they were important enough to the Government to dog Private Weston about paying for them right up to his discharge in 1865. During the Mobile Campaign, Private Weston went further into debt by buying on credit from A. Kellogg, the Seventh's designated sutler to the tune of $7.50.[19]

While Eugene was losing Government issued property and going into debt with Kellogg, he was also busy dodging shells and Minnie balls sent his way by the Confederates during the Battle of Spanish Fort, his first and only combat action during his one year with the Seventh. The Battle of Spanish Fort began on March 27, 1865 and ended April 8. It was fought in Baldwin County, Alabama as part of the Mobile Campaign. Union commander E.R.S. Canby's XIII and XVI Corps moved along the eastern shore of Mobile Bay forcing the Rebels back into their established fortifications. Union forces then concentrated on Spanish Fort and Fort Blakely. Spanish Fort consisted of a line of fortifications and batteries. Behind the mile and a half of defensive works stood Old Spanish Fort, Fort McDermott and Red Fort. The Seventh was assigned to attack Fort McDermott. The Confederates had spent considerable effort improving the defenses by incorporating detached rifle pits in front of every battery, an abates only fifty feet from the main breastworks, and a ditch five feet deep and eight feet wide. There were about forty artillery pieces in the fort and the landscape in front of the fort had been laced with "sub terra" shells (landmines). A direct assault on the enemy's works had only produced unnecessary high casualties for the XIII Corps. A more careful approach was adopted. Shovels replaced muskets and the siege began. The digging was continuous night and day. It was only interrupted by occasional outbreaks of firing by forward parties on both sides; sometimes the skirmishers were almost firing muzzle to muzzle while the Vermonters dug a series of zig zag trenches to within 150 yards of the fort's walls. The new position was close enough to allow Union marksmen to kill the Confederate artillery chief, Colonel William Burnet. On March 31, Confederate General Randall Gibson sent a sortie of officers and men out of Fort McDermott under cover of smoke created by fires deliberate set by the Rebels at sunset. Unseen, they advanced on Captain R.B. Stearns of the Seventh Vermont Infantry and twenty-one of his men along with himself were taken prisoners and escorted back inside the walls of Fort McDermott. The episode made the Yankees more cautious than ever although, as Captain Thomas N. Stevens of the 28th Wisconsin wrote, they needed little additional encouragement:

"Our rifle pits are some of them [as of April 6] within 150 yards of the

Rebel forts & batteries - the men dig, dig, dig day & night, with their

accoutrements on, & their trusty rifles by their sides in the trenches. The

Rebels dig too, and we have to be cautious not to expose ourselves too

far, or whiz goes a bullet, much too close to one's head to be pleasant for

a timid man. Sometime they rain around us like hail, and I wonder that

the casualties are so few."

For close quarter fighting, both sides made mortars of three-foot sections of logs bored out at one end. These could be strengthened with iron hoops, lined with sheet iron, and used in the trenches by two men. A small charge of powder would throw a shell with a short fuse into the enemy's works.

Despite the setbacks, the progress of the Union troops went unchecked. As the infantry inched closer, Federal artillery was brought up, including heavy siege guns. They were deployed around the forts and began pummeling them from ever decreasing ranges. Anticipating the inevitable, General Gibson ordered an eighteen inch wide walkway constructed through the swamp to the south of Spanish Fort which was his only escape route by land. On April 8 around midnight the evacuation of the defensive works began over the narrow and nearly 1,200 yard walkway through the swamp. Almost three quarters of the 2,200 Confederate defenders made their escape that way. General Canby's Union forces were rewarded with about 500 prisoners, 50 spiked artillery pieces and the remaining munitions and supplies that were not destroyed by the retreating Rebels.[20]

On April 1, while the siege of Spanish Fort was at its height, and a week before the Confederates evacuated it, Private Weston wrote a letter to his parents, Freeman and Sarah Weston. Reprinted here is a transcription of a portion of that letter which survived:

Spanish Point Ala. April 1st 1865
Dear Parents

Once more I will write you a few lines to let you know that I am still

alive for you will probably be anxious to know how I am when you

see that we have been in a fight and as I write the guns are heard plainly.

we have not been in a very hard fight but hard enough to make one

think of home. Monday morning at about 10 o clock we came in their

range of the guns on the batteries and then we lay down on our bellies

and laid there all day in the rain with the shells flying all around us.

It made me think of home you may as well believe. At first it made me

feel afraid but after a while I got so that I did not mind much about it.

Tuesday night we had to go out in skirmish in our Co. we went up within

100 yards of their works and had to stay there until Thursday morning

about 8 oclock we had to go out and come in in the dark for they picked

us off so. we dug rifle pits and staid in them most of the time once in a

while we would go out to try and silence their guns they got the range

of us in the morning and let 4 or 5 shells right over our pit. one fellow

sitting near me was hit in the shoulder and wounded bad they do not

think he will live. then I new(?) run or get out behind some logs and

staid until they stopped shelling us. I had a very narrow escape in the

afternoon. A captain in the 91st Ill. was officer of the day and he came

up to see how the line got along the Rebels saw him and wounded him

in the hand he hollowed and said he was hit I thought perhaps I could

help him so I went down some 3 or 4 rods down the hill and took his

sash off his body and done up his hand all the while I had to lie on my

bellie for the balls whistled over my head making sweet music but the

most dangerous time of all was when I started to go back up the hill

the rebs saw me and let a volley at me but I was expecting it and drop-

ped behind a log and laid a few moments (?) and then crambled along

15 or 20 feet on my hands and knees. when I had laid there a spell

I jumped up and run if I ever did dodging sideways so that they could

not get a chance to aim at me and got through safe but I did not expect

to ever see old chester again there was a sergeant and private wounded

in our Co. the private was hit in the shoulder with a piece of shell and

the sergeant had his leg broke by a musket ball which passed clear

through one leg and into the other. The private is not expected to live

the other is getting along very well but will have to lose his leg probably

we had to wait until after dark before..."[21]

The rest of the letter is missing, Perhaps the description in this letter of the rescue of the Captain sheds light on why Eugene decided to become a doctor after he returned to Vermont from the war.

Two days after the evacuation of Spanish Fort, while the Seventh and the rest of the XIII Corps chased the Rebels to Fort Blakely, Private Weston found time to write another letter home. It would be one of the last written from Alabama before the Regiment was ordered to Texas and the Rio Grande.

April 10 1865
Camp near Blakely Ala.

Dear Parents once more I will write you a few lines to let you know that

I am alive and well for I know that you will be anxious to hear from me

when we are fighting. We have left Spanish Point left there yesterday

the Rebels evacuated that place Saturday night about 12 O clock. I was

within 50 yards of the fort when they left digging a place for a mortar

battery. our folks went in __?_ __?_ and in half an hour the old stars

and stripes were floating over the fort and the way we chased them

would do any man good we took some 500 prisoners our loss in all was

some 2 men the rebel loss was much more George Wallace was mortally

wounded Saturday Capt. Dutton ordered him upon the breastwork to

level down the dirt and a bullet hit him in the breast and came out his back

the doctor said he could not live. when we got here the niggers had just

charged on the fort __?_ (tress??) and taken all of their works with 9,500

prisoners so you see the niggers are good for something. Montgomery

sheiling Spanish Point and Blakely taken there is not much chance for

Mobile. I received 2 letters from you last night one of the 16th and the

other of the 21st and was very glad to hear from you you write that you

were agoing to have some warm cakes and sugar I wish I was there to

help eat it Mother wrote that if I get home she should not give her consent

to my enlisting again I guess there will be no need of it for I want to

get out of it but it will not be long less than 5 months.

There came a report yesterday that Richmond was taken If so I don't think

there will be much more fighting done. I hope not __?_ it does not make

any difference a where you direct your letters I guess you may send them

to New Orleans for that is the headquarters of the department direct the

same as you did when I was there We don't expect to go to Mobile I think

we shall go to join Thomas (?) give my respects to all friends tell the

children I want to see them very much write often to your son

S E Weston [22]

Many things are obvious from this letter. First, Eugene is very proud to have restored the flag and the Union to this section of the South. This illustrates one of the most common reasons civilians decided to become soldiers in the Civil War - pride in their unified country. Second, it provided a glimpse into Eugene's opinion of African Americans. It wasn't very high since he referred to them as "niggers" - a derogatory term for this race then, just as it is now. Some historians argue that freeing the slaves was a primary reason for the war. If Eugene's attitude is any indication, white northerners gave little regard to the bondage issue of the blacks. Third, although close acquaintances of Eugene had been killed in his presence, he showed very little emotional reaction to their deaths, reporting on their fates in a very detached, casual way. And fourth, it is plain that Eugene did some arm twisting among his parents to get their permission to join the fighting, but after one engagement, the reality of what war really was made Eugene want no more part of it. Somehow the excitement and adventure had worn off.

The latter part of the service of the Seventh Vermont was carried out in the arid country of Texas. The Regiment had been sent there by General Butler at the close of the fighting in the Eastern theater of the Civil War after Lee's surrender at Appomattox in April. Some historians think that this was punishment of the Seventh by General Butler who had taken a strong dislike for the Seventh Vermont. While other Union regiments were being disbanded and sent home, the Seventh Vermont was sent to Texas to guard the U.S.-Mexico border and keep an eye on Maximillian and his French revolutionary forces, thus extending the Vermonters' enlistments. Eventually the American army accepted the fact that there was no threat at the Rio Grande and the troops stationed there were not needed. On July 14, 1865 at Clarksville, Texas the Seventh Vermont was finally mustered-out. Private Weston had received no pay since December 31, 1864 except for a small advance of $22.78. Sometime after his enlistment he had been paid a second installment of his $100 bounty but was still owed the final third. Then there was the matter of the lost equipage and the sutler's bill that had to be paid before Eugene could receive his discharge papers.[23] When Eugene left Texas for Vermont, he had a little money in his pockets, but not much.

When Eugene left for the war, he claimed he was a "farmer". Returning to Vermont, he may have resumed making a living the same way. However, his war time experiences seemed to have changed him. Soon after coming home, Eugene decided he wanted to be trained as a doctor. The 1870 Federal Census placed his residence in Burlington, Vermont.[24] He was enrolled in the University of Vermont there. The twenty-three year old would have been a junior that year. He also spent time at Dartmouth College as part of his training. In 1871, Eugene celebrated two important events. First, he graduated from the University of Vermont with a degree in medicine. Secondly, he married Eva S. Hall (1845-1917) daughter of Richard H. and Mary E. (Crowley) Hall in Athens, Vermont on June 6, 1871.[25] Together, the young couple would have four children: Lena Mary, 1872-1948; Alfred F., 1875-1904; Bertha Ella, 1881-1944; and Grace, 1888-1964.[26] Eugene took his new wife and his allopathic medical practice to Massachusetts for the next eight years, returning to Newfane, Vermont in 1879.[27] Dr. Weston had two children, Lena and Alfred, with him when he came back to Newfane. Besides being a popular doctor in the community, Eugene also took an interest and an active part in the G.A.R. (Grand Army of the Republic) and the Free Masons. While living in Coleraine, Massachusetts in 1874, he had become a member of the Mountain Lodge.[28] Throughout his life, Eugene remained very engaged in the Masons, holding many prestigious offices including Grand Master.[29]

The 1890 Special Veterans Schedules taken by the Federal Government that year, revealed that Dr. Weston was living in Newfane, Vermont at the time. The information on the form confirmed that he had served in Company C of the Seventh Vermont Infantry from August 27, 1864 until July 14, 1865, a period of ten months and seventeen days. It was interesting to see a notation on the form that Eugene S. Weston had an alias: Sidney E. Weston. Also under "remarks", it was noted that Weston had a disability related to his service; he suffered from malaria. All of this information should have been accurate since it was Eugene himself who was the enumerator. Perhaps it was due to his malarial issue that in March of 1890 Eugene applied for, and was granted, a monthly pension payment as an invalid.[30] From 1892 to 1894, Eugene was the legislative representative to the Vermont General Assembly from Newfane. After his brief sortie into politics, he returned to the practice of medicine, but in New Haven, Vermont rather than in Newfane. There he served his new community for the next twenty-five years not only as its primary doctor, but also as a civil servant in town affairs acting as town treasurer and moderator for many years.[31]

At the turn of the century, Eugene and Eva had changed addresses from Newfane to New Haven, Vermont. Lena had married and left the homestead and Alfred had moved out of the home as well to begin his own family also in New Haven. However, there were still two daughters living under Eugene's roof in 1900: Bertha E. and Grace F.[32] By 1910, Eugene and Eva had an empty nest as all of their children were out of the house and raising families of their own. Beginning in 1917, Eugene began to experience further declines in his life. In 1917, his wife, Eva, of forty-six years passed away. In the same year, Dr. Weston's health issues became severe enough to force him to retire from his medical practice. But even those life changing events did not dampen Eugene's eagerness to live life to its fullest. At seventy-one years of age, he had enough zest left to court and marry another wife.

Two years after Eva passed away, Eugene married Mertie E. Kingsley (1874-1946) form New Haven, Vermont. She was the daughter of Elihu Kingsley (1838-?) and Martha M. Sneeden (1849-1909). She was a forty-four year old spinster school teacher and her marriage to Eugene was her first. The couple exchanged vows in New Haven on January 1, 1919.[34] Mertie had waited a long time to marry and when she did, it was to a man who was twenty-seven years her senior. And his health was not good. But he was well known, well liked and respected in the community. Unfortunately, their marriage would only last three years. Eugene became gravely ill in November of 1922. He died on the 29th of the month in his home from "biliary (sic) calculus" (gallstones).[35] "Martie" (sic) continued to live in New Haven as a widow until her death in Mary Fletcher Hospital, Burlington, Vermont on April 11, 1946 of cancer of the colon.[36]


1., Payne_2011 January 2017 Family Tree for Eugene Sidney Weston;, Vermont, Vital Records, 1909-2008 for Eugene Sidney Weston; www.findagrave, Memorial #40782593.
2. Ibid., Payne_2011 January 2017 Family Tree for Eugene Sidney Weston and for Freeman Francis Weston.
3. Ibid., Vermont, Vital Records, Birth for Edgar Weston, Franklin E. Weston and Mary Adeline Weston.
4. Ibid., Marriage for Weston, Freeman F.
5. Ibid., Vermont, Vital Records, 1720-1908, Death for Sarah J. Weston.
6. Ibid., Death for Mary Adeline Weston.
7. Ibid., Norman and Parker Family Tree for Freeman Frederick Weston and Sarah Jane Evans.
8., Addison Weston Family Tree.
9., 1860 U.S. Federal Census for Freeman F. Weston.
10. Ibid., Vermont, Wills And Probate Records, 1949-1999 for Freeman F. Weston.
11., Compiled Service Records of Union Soldiers Who Served in Organizations From the State of Vermont, p. 21, image 311510734. Hereinafter referred to as Compiled Service Record.
12. Ibid., Compiled Service Record, p. 3, image 311510587.
13. Ibid.
14. Ibid., Compiled Service Record, p. 5, image 311510599;, Soldiers Pay by William C. Moffat, Jr., January, 1965.
15. Vermont in the Civil
16., Compiled Service Record, p. 8, image 311510626.
17. Vermont in the Civil
18., Compiled Service Record, p. 10, image 311510638.
19. Ibid., Compiled Service Record, p. 11, image 311510655.
20. Fort/Stop 7 Fort McDermott: "The Men Dig, Dig, Dig" Civil War Trail; Fort.
21. Vermont in the Civil War/Cemeteries/Vermont/New Haven/Evergreen/Weston, Eugene Sidney/Descendants, Michael L. Piper, Lowell, Massachusetts.
22. Ibid.
23., Compiled Service Record, p. 14, image 311510670.
24., 1870 U.S. Federal Census for Eugene S. Weston;, The Enterprise and Vermonter, Thu., Dec. 7, 1923, obituary for Dr. Eugene Sidney Weston.
25. Men of Vermont: An Illustrated Biographical History of Vermonters and Sons of Vermont, compiled by Jacob G. Ullery, Transcript Pub., Brattleboro, Vermont 1894, Part III, p 425.
26., Memorial #40782593 for Dr. Eugene Sidney Weston.
27., The Enterprise and Vermonter, Thu., Dec. 7, 1922, obituary for Dr. Eugene Sidney Weston.
28., Massachusetts, Mason Membership Card, 1733-1990 for Eugene Sidney Weston.
29., The Enterprise and Vermonter, Thu. Dec. 7, 1922, obituary for Dr. Eugene Sidney Weston.
30., 1890 Veterans Schedules for Sidney E. Weston;, Compiled Service Record, image 19574681.
31., The Enterprise and Vermonter, Thu., Dec. 7, 1922, obituary for Dr. Eugene Sidney Weston.
32., 1900 U.S. Federal Census for Eugene Sidney Weston.
33., The Enterprise and Vermonter, Thu., Dec. 7, 1922, obituary for Dr. Eugene Sidney Weston.

34., Vermont, Marriage Records, 1909-2008 for Eugene S. Weston; Ibid., Vermont, Death Records, 1909-2008 for Martie Kingsley Weston.

35. Ibid., Vermont, Death Records, 1909-2008 for Eugene Sidney Weston.

36. Ibid., Vermont, Death Records, 1909-2008 for Martie Kingsley Weston.

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